{"id":890,"date":"2024-08-02T09:45:00","date_gmt":"2024-08-02T14:45:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/csalateral.org\/ccrrrc\/?post_type=ramp_article&p=890"},"modified":"2024-08-03T15:23:18","modified_gmt":"2024-08-03T20:23:18","slug":"venciendo-la-desesperacion-cristalizada-overcoming-the-crystallization-of-despair-belique","status":"publish","type":"ramp_article","link":"https:\/\/csalateral.org\/ccrrrc\/articles\/venciendo-la-desesperacion-cristalizada-overcoming-the-crystallization-of-despair-belique\/","title":{"rendered":"Venciendo la Desesperaci\u00f3n Cristalizada | Overcoming the Crystallization of Despair"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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Resumen <\/strong> El racismo y la discriminaci\u00f3n xen\u00f3foba en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana, en especial las pol\u00edticas estatales en contra de las personas negras con or\u00edgenes haitianos, oprimen cotidianamente a una comunidad con una larga historia de explotaci\u00f3n y resistencia en el pa\u00eds. Esta opresi\u00f3n afecta de m\u00faltiples formas la vida y la salud de quienes realizan un activismo social y en defensa de los derechos humanos, bajo constantes amenazas de represi\u00f3n e incluso de muerte, en un contexto en el que frecuentemente organizaciones de extrema derecha en coordinaci\u00f3n con las autoridades bloquean la realizaci\u00f3n de protestas o acciones p\u00fablicas. A pesar de que el racismo est\u00e1 institucionalizado y tiene un car\u00e1cter estructural, las autoridades estatales impulsan discursos negacionistas minimizando o negando hechos hist\u00f3ricos tan graves como la masacre de 1937, la campa\u00f1a racista contra el fallecido pol\u00edtico Jos\u00e9 Francisco Pe\u00f1a G\u00f3mez, la sentencia 168-13 que retir\u00f3 de manera retroactiva la nacionalidad a m\u00e1s de cuatro generaciones de personas por sus or\u00edgenes haitianos. La combinaci\u00f3n de una lucha cada vez mejor dotada de herramientas te\u00f3ricas y pol\u00edticas para cambiar esta realidad de opresi\u00f3n racista y la realizaci\u00f3n de estudios sobre el desgaste que el racismo impone a nuestra salud nos permitir\u00e1 profundizar en las perspectivas de liberaci\u00f3n para las nuevas generaciones de activistas. <\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

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Abstract<\/strong> Racism and xenophobic discrimination in the Dominican Republic, especially state policies against black people of Haitian origin, oppress a community with a long history of exploitation and resistance in the country every day. This oppression affects, in multiple ways, the life and health of those who engage in social activism and the defense of human rights, and who do so under constant threat of repression and even death, in a context where far right organizations frequently work in coordination with authorities to block protest and public action. Although racism is institutionalized and structural in nature, state authorities advance negationist discourses, minimizing or denying grave historical facts such as the massacre of 1937, the racist campaign against the late politician Jos\u00e9 Francisco Pe\u00f1a G\u00f3mez, the law 168-13 that retroactively removed the nationality of more than four generations of person of Haitian origin. The combination of a struggle that is increasingly better endowed with theoretical tools and politics to change this reality of racist oppression and the realization of studies on the wear and tear that racism imposes on our health, enable us to deepen perspectives of liberation for new generations of activists.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

English translation by Dinayuri Rodriguez<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

El racismo en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana afecta de diversas formas las vidas de las personas que lo sufren y de aquellas personas que luchan en su contra. Aunque el racismo dominicano tambi\u00e9n afecta a las personas dominicanas negras que no tienen ascendencia haitiana conocida, me concentrar\u00e9 en la experiencia de los inmigrantes haitianos y sus descendientes v\u00edctimas de la desnacionalizaci\u00f3n y de las peores expresiones institucionalizadas de la discriminaci\u00f3n racial y del racismo estructural.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

El 21 de marzo de 2018, un grupo de activistas en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana plane\u00e1bamos conmemorar el D\u00eda internacional de la Eliminaci\u00f3n de la Discriminaci\u00f3n Racial, fecha instaurada por las Naciones Unidas en 1966 en conmemoraci\u00f3n de la Masacre de Sharpeville en Sud\u00e1frica, en la que 69 personas fueron asesinadas por el r\u00e9gimen de Apartheid. Se buscaba que las naciones hicieran m\u00e1s firme su compromiso de luchar contra todo tipo de discriminaci\u00f3n racial. Para los activistas anti racistas, es un d\u00eda para unificar las voces en un grito colectivo en contra de todas formas de discriminaci\u00f3n racial y como dominicanos levantamos la voz en contra del racismo hacia la poblaci\u00f3n negra en la sociedad dominicana, contra los inmigrantes negros y los dominicanos de ascendencia haitiana, pero tambi\u00e9n contra aquellos actos de discriminaci\u00f3n racial de xenofobia y estigmatizaci\u00f3n que se cometen en contra de nuestros emigrantes que llegan a pa\u00edses como Estados Unidos y Espa\u00f1a.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

En aquel momento la comunidad dominicana en Espa\u00f1a estaba conmocionada por un crimen <\/a>cometido por una dominicana, y por la utilizaci\u00f3n de ese crimen para agitar una campa\u00f1a xen\u00f3foba en contra de la comunidad dominicana en ese pa\u00eds. Mientras que en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana la comunidad haitiana viv\u00eda situaciones de tensi\u00f3n y miedo por un hecho ocurrido entre haitianos y dominicanos en pedernales ciudad fronteriza, a ra\u00edz del hecho la comunidad dominicana dio un ultim\u00e1tum de 24 horas a todos los haitianos para que abandonaran la ciudad o que asumieran las consecuencias. Situaciones como estas son comunes en el pa\u00eds, en ciertas comunidades cada vez que existe un conflicto entre un haitiano y un dominicano, la vida de todos los dem\u00e1s haitianos de dicha comunidad corre peligro. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sobre lo ocurrido en Pedernales, la antrop\u00f3loga Tahira Vargas coment\u00f3: \u201cEn Espa\u00f1a no est\u00e1n pidiendo la salida de los dominicanos por el crimen cometido por una compatriota. Sin embargo, cuando un haitiano comete un crimen aqu\u00ed hay una reacci\u00f3n, lo que demuestra que persiste una promoci\u00f3n del antihaitianismo<\/em>\u201d (Vargas, 2018). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

As\u00ed, el d\u00eda 21 de marzo era propicio para exigir cumplir aqu\u00ed en la isla lo mismo que la comunidad dominicana exig\u00eda en Espa\u00f1a, la no discriminaci\u00f3n contra toda una comunidad por un acto cometido por una persona en particular.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Para los dominicanos de ascendencia haitiana la fecha era significativa adem\u00e1s porque menos de cinco a\u00f1os antes hab\u00edamos sufrido la desnacionalizaci\u00f3n a manos del Tribunal Constitucional. En ese marco, se decidi\u00f3 organizar un evento en el Parque Duarte de la Ciudad colonial de Santo Domingo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Una vez publicitado el evento, grupos ultraconservadores amenazaron con boicotear y ejercer violencia contra \u201ccualquiera que se atreviera a mancillar el parque\u201d, alegando que se trataba de \u201cun s\u00edmbolo de la patria dominicana\u201d. Ante estas amenazas, el grupo organizador decidi\u00f3 no poner en riesgo la vida de las personas que solidariamente participar\u00edan del evento. Especialmente ante las amenazas del grupo autodenominado \u201cantigua orden dominicana\u201d, una organizaci\u00f3n paramilitar de ultraderecha que estaba tomando mucho auge a trav\u00e9s de las redes sociales, profiriendo amenazas e insultos en contra de personas que promov\u00edan acciones antirracistas y a favor de los inmigrantes haitianos y de sus descendientes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A pesar de haberse cancelado el evento, los organizadores decidimos no dejar de levantar la voz y leer el manifiesto que estaba previsto leer originalmente, en el mismo lugar, pero en un horario diferente al anunciado p\u00fablicamente. A las 9 de la ma\u00f1ana, un grupo reducido de activistas nos dimos cita para leer la proclama en el parque. Al llegar, nos encontramos con m\u00e1s de cien polic\u00edas. Tambi\u00e9n llegaron algunos ultranacionalistas que se dispusieron a impedir que se leyera la proclama contra la discriminaci\u00f3n racial.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Los activistas llev\u00e1bamos un gran letrero que rezaba \u201cEl racismo nos mata.\u201d Las autoridades de la municipalidad y la Polic\u00eda Nacional forcejearon durante varios minutos intentando impedir la apertura del <\/strong>letrero. En aquel momento, sin duda, la consigna hac\u00eda referencia a una serie de hechos que estaban aconteciendo en nuestro pa\u00eds y fuera de \u00e9l. Aquel letrero estaba inspirado en las experiencias del racismo reciente que est\u00e1bamos viviendo como sociedad, en la isla, en el Caribe y en el hemisferio, interpel\u00e1bamos los actos de discriminaci\u00f3n, la divisi\u00f3n, la violencia y los discursos de odio que laceran la vida de toda la sociedad, pero en especial de las personas negras y las personas inmigrantes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lo que este breve incidente nos muestra de manera contundente y clara c\u00f3mo se limita el derecho a la protesta y a la libre expresi\u00f3n de las personas dominicanas de ascendencia haitiana en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana; c\u00f3mo las fuerzas policiales y las autoridades locales hacen causa com\u00fan con grupos neonazis y de ultraderecha; en definitiva, hasta qu\u00e9 punto algo que expresa un amplio consenso mundial a estas alturas de la historia, como lo es la condena del racismo, en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana se convierte en un acto criminalizado, perseguido, amenazado, por m\u00e1s que se trate de una acci\u00f3n completamente pac\u00edfica, sin otro recurso que el de la palabra escrita y la palabra hablada.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Foto Lorena Espinosa: Manifestaci\u00f3n del movimiento reconocido frente al Congreso Dominicano, 23 de mayo 2023<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Evidenciando el racismo institucionalizado y la campa\u00f1a de negaci\u00f3n<\/h3>\n\n\n\n

El discurso racial sobre el cual se ha sustentado las identidades latinoamericanas y caribe\u00f1as nacional, promueve la idea de la democracia racial, mito que no ha hecho m\u00e1s que invisibilizar experiencias de pueblos ind\u00edgenas y afrodescendientes, simulando que vivimos en pa\u00edses con igualdad de condiciones y oportunidades para todos, sin importar raza u or\u00edgenes. Sin embargo, esto no es m\u00e1s que un discurso. La realidad muestra que estamos lejos de vivir en una verdadera democracia racial mientras los que nos gobiernan, representan a una peque\u00f1a \u00e9lite en manos de la cual tradicionalmente ha estado el poder. As\u00ed, el racismo no solo produce las muertes violentas m\u00e1s visibles, sino tambi\u00e9n la exclusi\u00f3n y la marginaci\u00f3n (Badillo, 2018) y luego el negacionismo que encubre esa violencia estructural. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gran parte de la sociedad dominicana vive de espaldas a nuestra existencia como grupo, a nuestros aportes, nuestras vivencias, se niega nuestro valor como parte integrante de esta sociedad. Vivimos adem\u00e1s en una especie de estado de excepci\u00f3n, lo cual significa que para nosotros las garant\u00edas y derechos constitucionales est\u00e1n permanentemente suspendidos, estamos bajo la amenaza concreta de nuestra expulsi\u00f3n en masa del pa\u00eds en el marco de los operativos de deportaci\u00f3n masiva que realiza el Estado dominicano. En t\u00e9rminos de (Agamben, 2006) nuestras vidas est\u00e1n reducidas a la nuda vida,<\/em> en especial las de las poblaciones racializadas que est\u00e1n permanentemente disponibles para ser desechadas (Rosenzvit, 2018). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nuestras autoridades y una min\u00fascula \u00e9lite conservadora, han jugado un importante rol negando la existencia del racismo y sus manifestaciones al punto de convertirlo casi en una verdad. En Latinoam\u00e9rica, e incluso en un pa\u00eds donde la opresi\u00f3n racial es tan extrema como la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana, el racismo es visto como algo insignificante, y cuando se admite, se presenta como la actitud de individuos prejuiciados. O incluso como un t\u00f3pico pol\u00edtico importado de la cultura norteamericana (Silva-Bonilla, 2020), mientras que se enarbola el mestizaje para invisibilizar la existencia del racismo y la discriminaci\u00f3n racial. Por ejemplo, el gobierno dominicano, en 2022 aleg\u00f3 a trav\u00e9s de un comunicado de la canciller\u00eda que en el pa\u00eds no hab\u00eda racismo por haber un \u201ccrisol de razas\u201d, cuando protest\u00f3 por la emisi\u00f3n de una alerta de viaje por parte del gobierno de EEUU ante el riesgo que representaban los operativos migratorios para personas negras de ese pa\u00eds que visitaran la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana. En septiembre de 2023, durante una intervenci\u00f3n en la Universidad de Columbia en Nueva York, y ante el asombro de estudiantes y profesores, el presidente Luis Abinader aleg\u00f3 que por haber un 85% de poblaci\u00f3n mestiza, no hab\u00eda racismo en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

La realidad es otra. En 2023 se cumpli\u00f3 10 a\u00f1os desde que el Tribunal Constitucional emiti\u00f3 la sentencia 168-13. A pesar de los esfuerzos del gobierno dominicano por negar los efectos racistas y discriminatorios de la sentencia, ella misma evidencia los extremos a los cuales ha llegado el racismo del Estado dominicano.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cuando sali\u00f3 la decisi\u00f3n, la sociedad dominicana se polariz\u00f3 entre los que estaban a favor y los que estaban en contra. Sectores conservadores, llamaron traidores a la patria a todos aquellos que se opon\u00edan a dicha decisi\u00f3n, mientras que el Estado dominicano justific\u00f3 como defensa de su soberan\u00eda la violaci\u00f3n de los derechos humanos y el derecho a la nacionalidad de miles de personas que no solo hab\u00edan nacido en el territorio dominicano, sino que en su gran mayor\u00eda nunca hab\u00edan salido del \u00e1rea geogr\u00e1fica de los bateyes a los cuales confinaron a sus padres para el corte de la ca\u00f1a (Hintzen, 2017).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hoy, si bien es cierto ya no existe una polarizaci\u00f3n de la sociedad dominicana, pues una gran parte se ha adaptado o resignado a este giro antidemocr\u00e1tico del r\u00e9gimen dominicano, mientras que el sector pol\u00edtico y social que sali\u00f3 fortalecido en esa disputa ahora impulsa nuevas campa\u00f1as racistas, como la campa\u00f1a de deportaciones masivas, la detenci\u00f3n de mujeres embarazadas haitianas y dominicanas de ascendencia haitiana en los hospitales, o su proyecto emblema que es el muro fronterizo. Sin embargo, la poblaci\u00f3n afectada por dicha decisi\u00f3n padece en su cotidianidad los efectos permanentes de aquella decisi\u00f3n que no ha sido subsanada.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A las v\u00edctimas no se les ha restituido sus derechos ni la posibilidad del goce pleno de la ciudadan\u00eda y la nacionalidad. El Estado sigue negando el derecho de los descendientes de haitianos a la nacionalidad dominicana, aumenta la violencia de la pol\u00edtica migratoria, y al mismo tiempo niega la existencia de pol\u00edticas racistas en contra de la poblaci\u00f3n migrante y sus descendientes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cuando sali\u00f3 la sentencia 168-13, diversos periodistas, acad\u00e9micos e investigadores llegaron al pa\u00eds para escribir sobre los efectos directos de la sentencia en las personas afectadas. Los efectos de la sentencia son m\u00faltiples, aunque no a todas las personas les impacta de la misma manera. Estos incluyen no poder trabajar, no poder estudiar, abrir una cuenta bancaria, casarse, conseguir un trabajo formal, tener acceso a la seguridad social o declarar el nacimiento de un nuevo hijo. Se trata de los efectos de un racismo estructural que tambi\u00e9n impactan en la salud de las personas, por ejemplo, al limitar el acceso a los hospitales por temor a las redadas generalizadas, en los alrededores de los centros de salud y hasta dentro de ellos; no poder acceder a un seguro m\u00e9dico tambi\u00e9n es una limitaci\u00f3n, y la negaci\u00f3n de las pensiones a los trabajadores retirados tambi\u00e9n les impide muchas veces acceder a los medicamentos que necesitan a una edad avanzada. \u00bfY qu\u00e9 decir de aquellos efectos psicol\u00f3gicos que se van dando por la constante producci\u00f3n y reproducci\u00f3n del racismo estructural, del bombardeo medi\u00e1tico, del discurso de odio en contra de una poblaci\u00f3n por su condici\u00f3n \u00e9tnica y racial, por los or\u00edgenes migratorios de sus padres?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Estos efectos han sido poco explorados en el caso dominicano. El racismo y la discriminaci\u00f3n est\u00e1 afectando la vida de las personas dominicanas de ascendencia haitiana por la pol\u00edtica de desnacionalizaci\u00f3n del Estado dominicano m\u00e1s all\u00e1 de los efectos f\u00edsicos y sociales m\u00e1s visibles. En los escritos de Frantz Fan\u00f3n podemos encontrar antecedentes sobre el impacto de la opresi\u00f3n racista y colonial y sus efectos psicol\u00f3gicos y psicosom\u00e1ticos entre las mujeres y los hombres argelinos durante la guerra contra el colonialismo franc\u00e9s. Fan\u00f3n describe s\u00edntomas como: \u00falceras estomacales, c\u00f3licos nefr\u00edticos, trastornos menstruales, temblores idiop\u00e1ticos, encanecimiento precoz de los cabellos, taquicardia parox\u00edstica, y contracci\u00f3n muscular generalizada <\/em>(Fan\u00f3n, 2001).<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Si bien es cierto que hoy en d\u00eda estamos prestando m\u00e1s atenci\u00f3n a estos efectos del racismo y la desnacionalizaci\u00f3n de los dominicanos de ascendencia haitiana, recuerdo que en los primeros a\u00f1os de surgimiento del Movimiento Reconoci.do, durante las jornadas de identificaci\u00f3n y acompa\u00f1amiento comunitario, nos encontramos con varios casos de j\u00f3venes que estaban deprimidos y con deseo de morir por la realidad de vida que estaban sufriendo por no tener papeles de identidad. La depresi\u00f3n y el miedo por carecer de documentos de identidad son sentimientos frecuentes en la vida de las personas dominicanas de ascendencia haitiana como se refleja en un estudio realizado por el CCDH(2016), pues para un joven, nacido en un batey y de padres haitianos, su mayor esperanza es poder llegar a la mayor\u00eda de edad, obtener sus documentos de identidad y poder liberarse de las plantaciones azucareras. Sin documentos de identidad dominicanos es muy dif\u00edcil librarse del campo de ca\u00f1a. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

En una de nuestras visitas, nos encontramos con la triste realidad de que uno de los j\u00f3venes hab\u00eda intentado ahorcarse por la frustraci\u00f3n que implicaba para \u00e9l no tener documentos y sufrir burlas y acoso escolar. Experiencias similares afianzaron el trabajo del Movimiento Reconocido para atender a esa necesidad de crear comunidad entre las personas afectadas en diferentes zonas del pa\u00eds, pues el sentir colectivo ayud\u00f3 a renovar las esperanzas. Saber y sentir que no estamos solos en la lucha, que somos muchos y que juntos somos m\u00e1s fuertes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pr\u00e1cticamente cualquier interacci\u00f3n con la autoridad en Rep\u00fablica Dominicana est\u00e1 marcada por el racismo. En el a\u00f1o 2018 fui invitada a un evento en el Batey Libertad, en el norte de la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana. No fui sola, me acompa\u00f1aba una candidata a PhD que estaba haciendo su trabajo de pasant\u00eda conmigo en el movimiento. De regreso a Santo Domingo, cuando llegamos a uno de los puntos de control militar en la provincia de Valverde, un guardia subi\u00f3 al autob\u00fas y abord\u00f3 a las personas de color de piel m\u00e1s oscuro que estaban en el veh\u00edculo, presumiendo que pod\u00edan ser haitianas. Se acerc\u00f3 a m\u00ed y me dijo: \u201cMadame, los documentos\u201d. Me qued\u00e9 mir\u00e1ndolo. Me repiti\u00f3 nuevamente que le mostrara mis documentos, le pregunt\u00e9 por qu\u00e9 me ped\u00eda los documentos y no a la persona blanca que estaba a mi lado, y por qu\u00e9 presum\u00eda que estaba en situaci\u00f3n irregular. Me negu\u00e9 a darle mi documento de identidad. Quiz\u00e1s se dio cuenta, aun sin ver mis documentos, que yo no era una haitiana indocumentada, por mi manera de hablar. La persona que iba a mi lado era puertorrique\u00f1a y en ese momento andaba sin documentos que mostrar, pero por su color de piel ning\u00fan polic\u00eda se atrever\u00eda a detenerla e interrogarla. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ser detenido e interrogado en los puntos de chequeo militar es parte de la cotidianidad para las personas negras en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana que viajan entre ciudades, especialmente en regiones pr\u00f3ximas a la frontera. Nuestro movimiento de j\u00f3venes dominicanos de ascendencia haitiana entre los a\u00f1os 2012 y 2019 particip\u00f3 en decenas de manifestaciones p\u00fablicas reclamando contra la suspensi\u00f3n de nuestros documentos de identidad frente a las oficinas de la Junta Central Electoral, el Palacio Nacional y el Tribunal Constitucional. Para las y los compa\u00f1eros de la regi\u00f3n sur del pa\u00eds constitu\u00eda un gran reto llegar a la capital, pues sufr\u00edan estas recurrentes detenciones. Al ser exigidos sus documentos deb\u00edan demostrar una situaci\u00f3n migratoria regular o su nacionalidad dominicana, pero no ten\u00edan documentos que pudieran mostrar, justamente por esta pol\u00edtica de negaci\u00f3n y suspensi\u00f3n de nuestros documentos est\u00e1bamos protestando. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nos angustiaba saber que era probable que en la madrugada recibi\u00e9ramos una llamada de la coordinadora de nuestro movimiento en el sur alertando que no la dejaban avanzar en alg\u00fan punto de chequeo. So\u00f1\u00e1bamos con alcanzar el d\u00eda en que ya no fuera un problema para nuestros j\u00f3venes del sur moverse libremente en el pa\u00eds que los vio nacer. Incluso llegamos a pensar que despu\u00e9s de la promulgaci\u00f3n de la ley 169-14, que permiti\u00f3 a algunos recuperar sus documentos suspendidos por la sentencia 168-13, estas retenciones en los puntos de chequeo dejar\u00edan de ser un problema. La realidad fue otra. Luego del endurecimiento de las pol\u00edticas migratorias y de persecuci\u00f3n racial del gobierno actual, el temor se ha extendido a todas nuestras comunidades bateyeras alrededor del pa\u00eds. Desde que el presidente Abinader dispuso que los operativos migratorios se realizaran con patrullas mixtas, integradas por polic\u00edas, militares y agentes migratorios, hoy cualquier polic\u00eda en cualquier punto del pa\u00eds se siente con el derecho de detener a cualquier persona negra, como lo hacen a diario en el transporte p\u00fablico en toda la geograf\u00eda nacional. Si no tienes documentos, y aun teni\u00e9ndolos, te detienen, te exigen pagar grandes sumas de dinero para dejarte en libertad. A los ojos del poder racista, nuestro perfil sospechoso est\u00e1 en nuestros rostros y en nuestra piel. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Esta realidad ha dejado cicatrices profundas en cada uno de nosotros y nosotras. La realizaci\u00f3n de cualquier tr\u00e1mite rutinario que implique entrar a una oficina p\u00fablica vinculada al registro civil dominicano, nos suele producir nerviosismo por la incertidumbre sobre qu\u00e9 cuestionamiento o qu\u00e9 tipo de trato recibiremos. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

La \u00faltima vez que renov\u00e9 mi pasaporte, mientras iba de camino a la oficina de pasaporte me puse tan nerviosa que sent\u00eda que no pod\u00eda respirar bien. No entend\u00eda qu\u00e9 me pasaba hasta que me hice consciente, tom\u00e9 el celular y llam\u00e9 a nuestra abogada, quien aparte de ser nuestra representante legal se ha convertido en una gran amiga. Le dije lo nerviosa que estaba porque iba a aquella oficina, yo una mujer que ha acompa\u00f1ado a cientos de personas a las oficinas p\u00fablicas. Recib\u00ed palabras de aliento y de respaldo, pero pens\u00e9 en todas aquellas personas que no tienen a quien llamar. Estas oficinas de la Junta Central Electoral (JCE) y la Direcci\u00f3n General de Migraci\u00f3n (DGM) se han constituido en espacios que representan un poder arbitrario, opresivo y hostil para miles de personas dominicanas negras. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Coincidimos con Fan\u00f3n en que (e)l militante percibe con frecuencia que no s\u00f3lo tiene que rechazar a las fuerzas enemigas, sino tambi\u00e9n los n\u00facleos de desesperaci\u00f3n cristalizados en el cuerpo del colonizado. El per\u00edodo de opresi\u00f3n es doloroso, pero la lucha, al rehabilitar al hombre oprimido desarrolla un proceso de reintegraci\u00f3n extremadamente fecundo y decisivo<\/em>. (Fan\u00f3n, 2001)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

En las \u00faltimas d\u00e9cadas, el discurso violento, el discurso de odio y el discurso racial se han intensificado en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana. Las redes sociales, si bien han ayudado a democratizar la informaci\u00f3n, y la posibilidad de amplificaci\u00f3n de los mensajes, tambi\u00e9n han sido aprovechadas por grupos que buscan difundir el odio, la mentira, la desinformaci\u00f3n y el racismo anti inmigrante, anti negro y anti haitiano de diversas maneras, y sobre estas manifestaciones de racismo es importante seguir hablando.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Las marcas del racismo y el anti-haitianismo en la sociedad dominicana son antiguas, la sentencia como decisi\u00f3n jur\u00eddica es s\u00f3lo el s\u00edmbolo m\u00e1s reciente de la ideolog\u00eda racista y anti haitiana en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana. Pero si escarbamos un poco m\u00e1s en nuestra historia reciente no podemos dejar atr\u00e1s la experiencia del l\u00edder pol\u00edtico Jos\u00e9 Francisco Pe\u00f1a G\u00f3mez, quien, como hombre negro y descendiente de inmigrantes haitianos, sobreviviente de la masacre trujillista anti haitiana de 1937, experiment\u00f3 de manera cruda los efectos del racismo en la sociedad dominicana. A lo largo de su carrera pol\u00edtica enfrent\u00f3 todo tipo de campa\u00f1as manipuladoras y racistas, discursos de odio para desmeritarlo y acusarlo de ser una amenaza para la soberan\u00eda o tener planes ocultos para fusionar a la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana con Hait\u00ed.  A pesar de haber ganado las elecciones presidenciales del a\u00f1o 1994, se usaron m\u00e9todos fraudulentos para desconocer su victoria e incluso se modific\u00f3 la ley electoral espec\u00edficamente para cerrarle el paso a la presidencia en las elecciones de 1996, introduciendo la segunda vuelta. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

La masacre de 1937, que oblig\u00f3 a los padres de Pe\u00f1a, nacidos en tierra dominicana, a huir junto a miles de haitianos y dominicanos negros y buscar refugio en Hait\u00ed, ha sido otra de las p\u00e1ginas vergonzosas de la historia dominicana. De acuerdo a diversos autores tales como: (Turints, Derby, & Fumagalli, 2018) sit\u00faan entre 15 mil a 20 mil personas que perdieron la vida por ser inmigrantes haitianas y negras, este acontecimiento que ha empa\u00f1ado la historia dominicana tambi\u00e9n ha pretendido ser minimizado por la historiograf\u00eda oficial, no s\u00f3lo reduciendo el n\u00famero de v\u00edctimas, sino tambi\u00e9n ignorando los hechos que dieron origen a estos actos de barbarie que por m\u00e1s de tres semanas ti\u00f1eron de sangre el r\u00edo que separa ambos pa\u00edses y que lleva por nombre R\u00edo Masacre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aunque el Estado dominicano pag\u00f3 una peque\u00f1a indemnizaci\u00f3n al Estado haitiano, por lo tanto, reconociendo t\u00e1citamente su responsabilidad en la masacre, no ha habido un reconocimiento oficial de la magnitud de estas barbaries, tampoco se ha dado un acto de justicia y reparaci\u00f3n para las v\u00edctimas y para la sociedad misma, que ha sufrido los efectos pol\u00edticos y sociales de estos actos y hasta hoy sigue sufriendo los efectos emocionales y psicol\u00f3gicos. Muy por el contrario, hoy se siguen utilizando los argumentos que desde la dictadura us\u00f3 el trujillismo durante la masacre, calificando a la inmigraci\u00f3n haitiana como una amenaza a la soberan\u00eda y somos constantemente bombardeados con un mensaje oficialista que reduce a la nada la dignidad de las personas negras, personificadas en el inmigrante haitiano y sus descendientes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aquello que se escenific\u00f3 en 1937 y de lo cual poco se habla en la sociedad dominicana, los grupos ultraconservadores lo abordan para glorificar las acciones del r\u00e9gimen de Trujillo. Esta falta de memoria, de justicia y reparaci\u00f3n ha sido en parte lo que permiti\u00f3 aquella campa\u00f1a repulsiva en contra de Pe\u00f1a G\u00f3mez por su color de piel y su ascendencia, o que se llegara a la Sentencia 168-13 como intento de poner un punto final, negando los derechos pol\u00edticos de toda la comunidad dominicana de ascendencia haitiana, para cerrarle el paso a la osad\u00eda de otro negro y descendiente de inmigrantes que pretendiera ocupar puestos como la presidencia y vice presidencia del pa\u00eds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

En menos de un siglo, esta poblaci\u00f3n ha sido v\u00edctima de dos genocidios, el primero fue f\u00edsico en 1937 con la masacre de haitianos y dominicanos negros en la frontera norte, mientras que el segundo ha sido legal, un genocidio civil, sin dejar rastros de sangre, con la sentencia 168-13 (Curiel, 2021). La clase social que gobierna al pa\u00eds ha pretendido matar la posibilidad de que hombres y mujeres negras y negros, de or\u00edgenes haitianos, aspiren a la igualdad en la sociedad dominicana.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cl\u00ednicamente Pe\u00f1a G\u00f3mez muri\u00f3 de c\u00e1ncer el 10 de mayo de 1998, pero todos los que ten\u00edamos un poquito de conciencia en aquella \u00e9poca, sab\u00edamos que el racismo se fue llevando su vida lentamente. Igualmente pas\u00f3 con Sonia Pierre, la activista por los derechos humanos que defendi\u00f3 durante toda su vida el derecho al nombre y la nacionalidad de los ni\u00f1os y ni\u00f1as nacidos en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana de padres haitianos. Ella sufri\u00f3 los m\u00e1s infames discursos racistas del Estado dominicano y las autoridades, incluso de la jerarqu\u00eda de la Iglesia. Su defensa de los hijos e hijas de los inmigrantes y de los haitianos como personas con dignidad, con derechos y a los cuales se debe respetar su condici\u00f3n de seres humanos la hizo receptora del odio de la \u00e9lite conservadora.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Los efectos del racismo dirigido hacia ella no se hicieron esperar, Sonia sufri\u00f3 durante varios a\u00f1os afecciones del coraz\u00f3n y de esa causa muri\u00f3. Ochy Curiel (2021), al hablar sobre la muerte de Sonia dice:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n

La garganta se me atragant\u00f3, me cubri\u00f3 una gran tristeza y no he podido parar de llorar, porque lo primero que me vino a la cabeza es que ese infarto fue una consecuencia de toda la persecuci\u00f3n e intimidaci\u00f3n que sufri\u00f3, producto del racismo y del sexismo de que fue v\u00edctima Sonia\u2026<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Decir que el racismo nos mata, es entender las m\u00faltiples y variadas manifestaciones que se dan en la vida de las personas que sufren el racismo, la discriminaci\u00f3n y los efectos que raramente se reconocen, pero que est\u00e1n ah\u00ed y que van afectando el d\u00eda a d\u00eda de las personas, tanto de las que resisten de manera silenciosa como las de quienes luchan en contra del racismo sist\u00e9mico y la discriminaci\u00f3n racial.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00bfC\u00f3mo cambiar esta realidad? \u00bfC\u00f3mo avanzar si el racismo sigue institucionalizado, por ejemplo, en una Polic\u00eda Nacional que sigue matando a nuestros j\u00f3venes a diario por tener un \u201cperfil sospechoso\u201d? \u00bfC\u00f3mo cambiar esta realidad si el simple color de nuestra piel nos coloca en situaci\u00f3n de desventaja en cualquier parte de la sociedad que vivimos? \u00bfO cuando nuestras autoridades, que dicen ser democr\u00e1ticas, utilizan el poder para discriminar, matar o excluir a las personas impunemente por su perfil racial, por sus or\u00edgenes o su condici\u00f3n migratoria, o cuando el poder con un solo golpe de mano puede decidir sobre la vida de aquel que considera que es inferior,  \u00bfcu\u00e1ndo se justifican las violaciones de los derechos de las personas negras invocando la soberan\u00eda?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Si vivimos en una sociedad que a\u00fan no admite los efectos m\u00e1s evidentes del racismo, \u00bfcu\u00e1ndo llegaremos a ver entonces los efectos psicol\u00f3gicos de aquella muerte silenciosa a la que se nos pretende condenar, aquel miedo constante que sentimos por el hecho de ser negros y negras o extranjeros y extranjeras?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

El reconocimiento de esta dimensi\u00f3n del problema del racismo institucionalizado en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana, que aqu\u00ed s\u00f3lo esbozamos, es en definitiva tambi\u00e9n una tarea que nos corresponde como movimiento en la lucha por la igualdad. El estudio y la comprensi\u00f3n de este fen\u00f3meno, de este impacto de la opresi\u00f3n en nuestras mentes y cuerpos, es tambi\u00e9n parte importante de nuestra lucha, como lo es el conocimiento de nuestra historia o la cr\u00edtica de las ideolog\u00edas oficiales. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pese a la pol\u00edtica racista del gobierno dominicano que seguir\u00e1 intentando impedirlo, cada vez m\u00e1s j\u00f3venes dominicanos de ascendencia haitiana seguir\u00e1n abri\u00e9ndose camino en las universidades e instituciones dedicadas a la investigaci\u00f3n cient\u00edfica. Desde all\u00ed, combinando el estudio con la lucha pol\u00edtica y social, ir\u00e1n planteando junto a otras personas dominicanas comprometidas, problemas de investigaci\u00f3n relacionados con nuestra experiencia, con nuestros anhelos y con nuestras necesidades colectivas. Construiremos este conocimiento porque es necesario para nuestra propia liberaci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

English translation by Dinayuri Rodriguez<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Racism in the Dominican Republic affects the lives of people who suffer from it and those who fight against it in various ways. Although Black Dominicans without any known Haitian ancestry are also affected by Dominican racism, I will focus on the experience of Haitian immigrants and their descendants, victims of denationalization and the worst expressions of structural racism and institutionalized racial discrimination.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On March 21, 2018, a group of activists in the Dominican Republic (including myself) were planning to commemorate the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, a date established by the United Nations in 1966 to commemorate the Sharpeville Massacre in South Africa during which sixty-nine people were murdered by the apartheid regime. The goal of the day was for nations to solidify their commitments to fighting against all forms of racial discrimination. For anti-racist activists, this is a day to unite our voices in a collective cry against all forms of racial discrimination; as Dominicans, we raised our voices against racism directed towards the Black population in Dominican society and towards Black immigrants and Dominicans of Haitian descent, but also against the acts of xenophobia and marginalization directed against Dominicans who immigrate to larger countries like the United States and Spain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the time, Dominicans in Spain were shocked by the crime<\/a> of a Dominican woman and how that crime was being mobilized to launch a xenophobic campaign against the Dominican community in the country as a whole. Meanwhile in the Dominican Republic, the Haitian community was living in tension and fear due to a situation that occurred between Haitians and Dominicans in Pedernales, a border city. As a result, Dominicans in the community gave all Haitians an ultimatum of twenty-four hours to leave the city or assume the consequences. Situations like these are common in the country: whenever there is a conflict between Haitian and Dominican individuals in particular communities, the lives of all Haitians in that community are in danger.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The anthropologist Tahira Vargas commented the following on what happened in Pedernales: \u201cIn Spain, they are not asking for the expulsion of Dominicans in response to the crime committed by their compatriot. Yet, whenever a Haitian person commits a crime here, there is such a reaction, which demonstrates that the perpetuation of anti-Haitianismo persists.\u201d1<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this way, March 21 was an auspicious day to demand here on the island what Dominicans demanded in Spain: an end to the discrimination against the entire community due to the actions of one particular person.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Dominicans of Haitian descent, the date was also significant because, less than five years prior, we had suffered denationalization at the hands of the Constitutional Court. It is in this context that we decided to organize an event at Duarte Park in the Colonial City of Santo Domingo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As soon as the event was publicized, ultraconservative groups threatened violence and to boycott \u201canyone who dared desecrate the park,\u201d claiming it was \u201ca symbol of the Dominican homeland.\u201d Facing such threats, organizers decided not to put at risk the lives of those who would have participated in the event in solidarity. This decision was taken especially in light of  threats from the self-proclaimed \u201cAncient Dominican Order,\u201d an ultra-right paramilitary organization that was gaining popularity through social media networks, issuing threats and insults to folks promoting anti-racist actions in support of Haitian immigrants and their descendants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite the event being canceled, organizers decided we would not stop raising our voices. We would read the manifesto which we had originally planned to read, in the same spot but at a different time than was publicly announced. A small group of activists met to read the statement in the park at 9:00 in the morning. We were met with a hundred police officers. Ultranationalists also showed up to prevent the statement against racial discrimination from being read.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We carried a large sign that read \u201cEl racismo nos mata.\u201d(Racism kills us). The national police and municipal authorities struggled to prevent us from opening the sign for several minutes. Without a doubt, the slogan referenced a series of events happening at the time in our country and outside of it. The sign was inspired by the recent experiences of racism that we faced as a society, on the island, in the Caribbean, and in the hemisphere. We questioned the discrimination, segregation, violence, and hateful discourse which tears apart the lives of all of society, but especially the lives of Black people and immigrants. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This brief moment shows us in a clear and cogent way how the right to protest and the free expression of Dominicans of Haitian descent in the Dominican Republic is limited; how the local authorities and police find common ground with neo-Nazi and far-right groups; in short, it shows us the extent to which something with such wide-spread global support at this point in history, such as the condemnation of racism, becomes criminalized, persecuted, and threatened in the Dominican Republic\u2014no matter if the action is completely peaceful, with no recourse other than the written and spoken word.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Exposing Institutionalized Racism and the Campaign of Denial<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The racial discourse which sustains national identity in our Latin American and Caribbean countries has caused institutions and some social classes to turn their backs to the reality of race. The myth of racial democracy has only invisibilized the experiences of Indigenous and Afro-descendant people, as if we lived in countries with equal conditions and opportunities for all, regardless of race or origins. However, this is nothing more than rhetoric\/discourse. Reality demonstrates that we are far from living in a true racial democracy as long as those who govern us represent a small elite class that has traditionally held power in their hands. In this way, racism not only produces violent deaths which are hypervisible, but also exclusion and marginalization,2<\/a><\/sup> and later the denialism which masks this structural violence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A large part of Dominican society lives with their backs turned to our existence as a group, to our contributions, our experiences \u2013 our value as an integral part of this society is denied. In addition, we live in a kind of state of exception, meaning that our constitutional rights and guarantees are permanently suspended; we live under the concrete threat of mass expulsion from the country within the context of mass deportations performed by the Dominican state. In Agamben\u2019s terms, our lives are reduced to \u201cbare life,\u201d particularly those of racialized populations made permanently available for disposal.3<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Our authorities and a tiny, conservative elite class have played an important role in denying the existence of racism and how it manifests to the point of almost making it true. In Latin America, even in a country like the Dominican Republic where racial oppression is as extreme as it is, racism is seen as something insignificant, and when admitted, it is presented as the attitude of prejudiced individuals, or as a political topic imported from North American culture.4<\/a><\/sup> Meanwhile, mixedness is promoted to mask the existence of racism and racial discrimination. For example, in 2022, the Dominican government alleged, via a statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, that there was no racism in the country because there was a \u201cmelting pot of races.\u201d This was while protesting the US government\u2019s issuance of a travel alert, given the risk that immigration operations posed for Black US Americans visiting the Dominican Republic. In September 2023, during a speech at Columbia University in New York City, and to the astonishment of students and professors, President Luis Abinader alleged that, because there was an 85 percent mixed population, racism didn\u2019t exist in the Dominican Republic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The reality is different. 2023 marks ten years since the Constitutional Court issued the 168\u201313 ruling. Despite the Dominican government\u2019s efforts to deny its racist and discriminatory effects, the ruling itself demonstrates the extremes which the racism of the Dominican state has reached.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the decision came out, Dominican society was polarized between those who were in favor and those who were against. Conservative sectors called everyone who opposed the ruling \u201ctraitors to the country,\u201d while the Dominican state justified, as defense of its sovereignty, the violation of human rights and the denationalization of thousands who, had not only been born in Dominican territory, but the vast majority of whom had never left the geographic area of the bateyes where their parents were confined to cutting sugarcane.5<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

While it might be true that this polarization no longer exists in Dominican society today\u2014indeed, a grand majority has either resigned or adapted to this anti-democratic turn in the Dominican regime\u2014the social and political sector that came out victorious in that struggle now promotes new racist campaigns such as the mass deportations, the detention of pregnant Haitian women and Dominican women of Haitian descent in hospitals, or the border wall, its emblematic project. Still, the population affected by the ruling suffers the effects of that decision\u2014which has yet to be corrected\u2014in their everyday lives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The victims have not had their rights, nor the possibility of the full enjoyment of citizenship and nationality, restored to them. The state continues to deny people of Haitian descent their right to a Dominican nationality, increasing the violence of immigration policy, while at the same time denying the existence of racist policies against the migrant population and their descendants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the 168\u201313 ruling was issued, various journalists, academics, and researchers came to the country to write about how the ruling directly impacts those affected. The ruling has multiple consequences, though not everyone is impacted in the same way. These consequences include not being able to work, study, open a bank account, get married, get a formal job, have access to social security, or declare the birth certificate of a newborn child. These are the effects of a structural racism which also impacts people\u2019s health by, for example, limiting access to hospitals due to the fear of widespread raids in the areas surrounding health centers and even inside of them; limiting access to health insurance, and the denial of pensions to retired workers, which also prevents them from getting the medications they may need. And what to say of the psychological effects that come from the constant production and reproduction of structural racism, of the media bombardment, of the hateful discourse against a population due to their ethnic and racial Identity and the migrant origins of their parents?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These outcomes have been little explored in the Dominican case. Racism and discrimination due to the state\u2019s denationalization policy is affecting the lives of Dominican people of Haitian descent\u2014beyond the physical and social effects that are the most visible. In Frantz Fanon\u2019s writing, we can find background information on the impact of racial and colonial oppression and its psychological and psychosomatic effects among Algerian women and men during the struggle against French colonialism. Fanon describes symptoms such as stomach ulcers, renal colic, menstrual disorders, idiopathic tremors, premature graying of hair, paroxysmal tachycardia, and generalized muscle contraction.6<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

While it is true that today we are paying more attention to these effects of racism and the denationalization of Dominicans of Haitian descent, I remember that in those first years of the Reconoci.do movement, during the community escorting of folks on their journeys to get identification, we encountered many cases of young people who were depressed and wanted to die due to the reality of their lives suffering from not having identification papers. Depression and anxiety due to lack of identity documents are recurrent feelings in the lives of Dominican people of Haitian descent, as is reflected in the 2016 study by Centro Cultural Dom\u00ednico Haitiano (CCDH).7<\/a><\/sup> Indeed, for a young person born in a batey to Haitian parents, their greatest hope is to be able to come of age, obtain their identity documents, and free themselves from sugar plantations; without Dominican identity documents, it is very difficult to escape from the sugarcane field.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On one of our visits, we were met with the devastating reality that one of the young people had tried to hang himself due to his frustration at not having documents and suffering from bullying and teasing at school. Experiences like this strengthened the work of the Reconoci.do movement in addressing the necessity of creating community among those affected across different areas of the country, insofar as this sense of collectivity helped to revitalize hope, to know and feel that we are not alone in the struggle, that we are many, and that we are stronger together.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Virtually every interaction with authority in the Dominican Republic is marked by racism. In 2018, I was invited to an event at Batey Libertad in northern Dominican Republic. I did not go alone\u2014I was accompanied by a PhD candidate who was completing her internship work with me in the movement. When we reached one of the military checkpoints in the Valverde province on our way back to Santo Domingo, a guard boarded the bus and approached darker-skinned folks in the vehicle, presuming they could be Haitian. He approached me and asked, \u201cMadame, your documents?\u201d I stared at him. He asked me again to show him my documents. I asked him why he asked me for my identification but not the white person next to me, and why he assumed that I was in an irregular situation. I refused to give him my ID. Perhaps he realized, without having to see my documents, that I was not an undocumented Haitian woman because of the way I spoke. The person next to me was Puerto Rican and, at that moment, she was traveling without any identification to show; yet, due to the color of her skin, not one police officer would dare to stop and interrogate her.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Being detained and interrogated at military checkpoints is a quotidian part of life for Black people that travel across cities in the Dominican Republic, particularly in regions close to the border. Our movement of Dominican youths of Haitian descent participated in dozens of public demonstrations between 2012 and 2016, protesting against the suspension of our identity documents in front of the offices of the Central Electoral Board, the National Palace, and the Constitutional Court. It was a great challenge for comrades from the southern region of the country to reach the capital, for they had to suffer these recurring arrests. Upon being asked for documentation, they had to prove either regular immigration status or their Dominican nationality, however, they did not have any paperwork to show precisely because of this policy of denying and suspending our identity documents, which we were protesting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We were distressed knowing that it was likely we would receive a call early in the morning from our organization\u2019s coordinator in the south, alerting us that they would not let her pass through some checkpoint. We dreamed of the day when it would no longer be a problem for our youths from the south to move freely in the country that watched them be born. Indeed, we grew to believe that detainments at checkpoints would cease to be a problem after the promulgation of the 169\u201314 law, which allowed some to recover their documents suspended by the 168\u201313 ruling. The reality was different. Following the strengthening of immigration policies and racial persecution from our current government, the fear has spread to batey communities all over the country. Since President Abinader ordered that immigration operations be executed by mixed patrols of police, military, and immigration agents, any police officer anywhere in the country today feels they have the right to detain any Black person, as they do daily on public transportation throughout the national geography. If you do not have identification documents\u2014and even if you do have them\u2014officers will detain you and demand that you pay large sums of money to be released. In the eyes of racists in power, our suspicious profile is on our faces and on our skin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This reality has left deep scars on each and every one of us. Carrying out any routine procedure that involves entering a public office linked to the Dominican civil registry system produces anxiety due to the uncertainty about what line of questioning or what kind of treatment we will receive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The last time that I renewed my passport, I got so anxious walking to the office that I felt I could not breathe properly. I did not understand what was happening to me until I became present and picked up my cell phone to call our lawyer who, apart from being our legal representative, has become a great friend. I told her how nervous I was going to that office\u2014me, a woman who has accompanied hundreds of people to these public offices. I received words of encouragement and support, and I thought of all those people who have no one to call. The offices of the Central Electoral Board (JCE) and the General Directorate of Immigration (DGM) have become spaces that represent an arbitrary, oppressive, and hostile power for thousands of Black Dominicans.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We agree with Fanon that \u201cthe militant very often realizes that not only must he hunt down the enemy forces but also the core of despair crystallized in the body of the colonized. The period of oppression is harrowing, but the liberation struggle\u2019s rehabilitation of man fosters a process of reintegration that is extremely productive and decisive.\u201d8<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The rhetoric of violence, hate speech, and racial discourse has intensified in the Dominican Republic in recent decades. While social media has helped to democratize the dissemination of information and amplify messages, it has also been exploited by groups that seek to spread hate, lies, misinformation, and xenophobic anti-Black and anti-Haitian racism in various ways, and it is important to keep talking about these manifestations of racism. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The marks of racism and anti-Haitianismo in Dominican society are old; the ruling, as a legal decision, is only the most recent symbol of the racist and anti-Haitian ideology in the Dominican Republic. But if we dig a bit deeper into our recent history, we cannot leave behind the political leader Jos\u00e9 Francisco Pe\u00f1a Gomez who\u2014as a Black man descendant of Haitian immigrants and survivor Trujillo\u2019s anti-Haitian massacre of 1937\u2014experienced, in crude ways, the effects of racism in Dominican society. Throughout his political career, he faced all kinds of manipulative and racist campaigns, including hate speech to discredit him and accuse him of threatening Dominican sovereignty and of having a hidden agenda to unite the Dominican Republic with Haiti. Despite Pe\u00f1a winning the 1994 presidential election, fraudulent methods were used to disavow his victory and the electoral law was even modified specifically to block his way to the presidency in the 1996 elections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 1937 massacre\u2014which forced Pe\u00f1a\u2019s parents, both born on Dominican soil, to flee along with thousands of Black Haitians and Dominicans and seek refuge in Haiti\u2014has been another shameful page in Dominican history. According to various authors (Turits, Derby, & Fumagalli 2018), between fifteen and twenty thousand people lost their lives because they were Haitian immigrants and Black;9<\/a><\/sup> this event which has stained Dominican history has also been minimized in official historiography, not only reducing the number of victims, but also ignoring the context which gave rise to these acts of barbarism that stained, with blood, for more than three weeks, the river which separates both countries and which has the name \u201cMassacre River.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While the Dominican state paid a small compensation to the Haitian state, therefore tacitly acknowledging their responsibility in the massacre, there has not been an official recognition of the magnitude of these barbarities, nor has there been an act of justice and reparations for the victims and for its own society, which has suffered the political and social consequences of these acts and which, to this day, continues to suffer emotional and psychological effects. Quite the contrary. The same arguments dating back to the dictatorship, that Trujillismo used during the massacre, continue to be used today, categorizing Haitian immigration as a threat to Dominican sovereignty. We are constantly bombarded with official messaging which reduces the dignity of Black people to nothing, as exemplified by the Haitian immigrant and their descendants. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Little is said in Dominican society about that which was staged in 1937; nonetheless, ultraconservative groups take it on to glorify the actions of the Trujillo regime. This memory loss and lack of justice and reparations is, in part, what allowed for that repulsive campaign against Pe\u00f1a Gomez due to the color of his skin and his ancestry, The 168\u201313 ruling was a way to put an end to the possibility of a future presidency from this community, denying the political rights of the entire Dominican community of Haitian descent, blocking the path for the audacity of another Black person descendant of immigrants who sought to occupy such positions as the presidency and vice-presidency of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In less than a century, this population has been the victim of two genocides. This first was physical, with the massacre of Black Haitians and Dominicans along the northern border in 1937, while the second has been legal with the 168\u201313 ruling, a civil genocide without traces of blood.10<\/a><\/sup> The dominant social class which governs the country has sought to kill any possibility for Black people of Haitian descent to aspire towards equality in Dominican society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In clinical terms, Pe\u00f1a Gomez died of cancer on May 10, 1998, however, those of us with a conscience knew then that racism was slowly taking his life. The same thing happened to Sonia Pierre, a human rights activist that, throughout her entire life, defended the right to the name and Dominican nationality of children born in the Dominican Republic to Haitian parents. She suffered the most vile racist rhetoric from the state and Dominican authorities, including the hierarchy of the church. Her defense of the children of immigrants and of Haitians as people with dignity, with rights and who should be respected as human beings, earned her the hatred of the conservative elite class. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The effects of the racism directed towards her did not wait; Sonia suffered from heart conditions for several years and she died from that cause. Ochy Curiel says the following when talking about Sonia\u2019s death: \u201cMy throat choked up, a great sadness washed over me and I have not been able to stop crying because the first thing that came to mind was that the heart attack was the result of all the persecution and intimidation that she suffered, a product of the racism and sexism of which Sonia was a victim . . . \u201d11<\/a><\/sup><\/p>\n\n\n\n

To say that racism kills us is to understand its multiple and varied manifestations in the lives of those who suffer from it, who suffer from discrimination and effects that are rarely recognized but that are there and which impact the everyday lives of people, the lives of those who resist silently as much as those who fight against systemic racism and racial discrimination. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

How do we change this reality? How can we move forward if racism continues to be institutionalized in, for example, the national police who continue to kill our youth on a daily basis for fitting a \u201csuspicious profile\u201d? How do we change this reality if the simple color of our skin positions us at a disadvantage in any part of the society that we live in? Or when Dominican authorities who claim to be democratic use their power to discriminate, kill, or exclude people with impunity due to their racial profile, ancestry, or immigration status? Or when, with a single stroke of the hand, those in power can dictate the life of those who they deem inferior, and when the violation of the rights of Black people is justified by invoking sovereignty? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

If we live in a society that has yet to admit the most obvious effects of racism, when will we reckon with the psychological effects of that silent death to which we are ostensibly condemned, that constant fear we feel due to being Black or foreigners?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The recognition of this dimension of institutionalized racism in the Dominican Republic, which we outline here, is ultimately also a task that corresponds to our work as a movement in the fight for equality. The study and comprehension of this phenomenon\u2014how oppression impacts our minds and bodies\u2014is an important part to our struggle, as is the knowledge of our history and the criticism of dominant ideologies. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

More and more Dominican youths of Haitian descent will continue to make their way into universities and institutions dedicated to scientific research despite the racist policies of the Dominican government which will continue trying to prevent it. From there, combining their studies with political and social struggle, and together with other aligned Dominican people, they will raise research questions related to our experiences, our desires, and our collective needs. We will build this knowledge because it is necessary for our own liberation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias \/ References<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Agamben, G. (2006). HOMO SACER. El poder soberano y la nuda vida I.<\/em> Valencia: PRE- TEXTOS.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Curiel, O. (2021). Un Golpe de Estado: La Sentencia 168-13.<\/em> Bogot\u00e1: en la frontera.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fan\u00f3n, F. (2001). Los condenados de la tierra.<\/em> M\u00e9xico: Fondo de Cultura Econ\u00f3mica.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hintzen, A. (2017). De la masacre a la Sentencia 168-13: Apuntes para la historia de la segregaci\u00f3n de los haitianos y sus descendientes en Rep\u00fablica Dominicana.<\/em> Santo Domingo: Fundaci\u00f3n Juan Bosch.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rosenzvit, D. (2018). Cr\u00f3nica de una muerte silenciada. Racismo e Invisibilizaci\u00f3n en el asesinato de Massar Ba. Nueva \u00c9poca<\/em>, 242\u201359.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Silva-Bonilla, E. (2020). \u00bfAqu\u00ed no hay racismo?: apuntes preliminares sobre lo racial en las Am\u00e9ricas. Revista de Humanidades<\/em>, 425\u201343.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Turints, R., Derby, L., & Fumagalli, e. a. (2018). Masacre del 1973 80 a\u00f1os despu\u00e9s: Reconstruyendo la memoria.<\/em> Santo Domingo: Fundaci\u00f3n Juan Bosch \/ CLACSO.Vargas, J. (15 de marzo de 2018). Haitianos abandonaron Pedernales por temor a represalias. Peri\u00f3dico el d\u00eda<\/em>. Recuperado el 19 de junio de 2023, de https:\/\/eldia.com.do\/haitianos-asumen-estado-de-sitio-en-pedernales-por-temor-a-represalias<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n

<\/div>
  1. Joan Vargas, \u201cHaitianos abandonaron Pedernales por temor a represalias,\u201d Peri\u00f3dico el d\u00eda<\/em>, March 15, 2018, https:\/\/eldia.com.do\/haitianos-asumen-estado-de-sitio-en-pedernales-por-temor-a-represalias\/<\/a>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  2. Jorge Carlos Badillo, \u201cFoucault y el concepto de \u2018racismo de Estado\u2019\u201d FRACTAL,<\/em> n\u00famero 82 (2018): https:\/\/mxfractal.org\/articulos\/RevistaFractal82Badillo.php<\/a>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  3. Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: El poder soberano y la nuda vida I<\/em> (Valencia: PRE-TEXTOS, 2006). Dana Rosenzvit, \u201cCr\u00f3nica de una muerte silenciada: Racismo e Invisibilizaci\u00f3n en el asesinato de Massar Ba,\u201d Nueva \u00c9poca<\/em> (2018): 242\u201359, https:\/\/desarmandolacultura.files.wordpress.com\/2018\/04\/agamben-giorgio-homo-sacer-vol-i.pdf<\/a>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  4. Eduardo Silva-Bonilla, \u201c\u00bfAqu\u00ed no hay racismo?: apuntes preliminares sobre lo racial en las Am\u00e9ricas,\u201d Revista de Humanidades<\/em> 42 (2020): 425\u2013443. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  5. Amelia Hintzen, De la masacre a la Sentencia 168-13: Apuntes para la historia de la segregaci\u00f3n de los haitianos y sus descendientes en Rep\u00fablica Dominicana<\/em> (Santo Domingo: Fundaci\u00f3n Juan Bosch, 2017). ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  6. Frantz Fanon, Los condenados de la tierra<\/em>, tradd. Julieta Campos (M\u00e9xico City, M\u00e9xico: Fondo de Cultura Econ\u00f3mica, 2001), 148\u201350, https:\/\/www.proletarios.org\/books\/Fanon-Los_condenados_de_la_tierra.pdf<\/a>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  7. CCDH: Centro Cultural Dom\u00ednico Haitiano, La Desnacionalizaci\u00f3n de Dominicanos y Dominicanas de Ascendencia Haitiana (Impactos Psicol\u00f3gicos, Sociales, Econ\u00f3micos y Pol\u00edticos de la Sentencia<\/em> TC\/0168-13<\/em>), 2016, https:\/\/www.refworld.org\/cases,DR_CC,526900c14.html<\/a>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  8. Fanon, Los condenados de la tierra<\/em>, p. 150. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  9. Mat\u00edas Bosch Carcuro, Eliades Acosta Matos, y Amaury P\u00e9rez Vargas, Masacre del 1973 80 a\u00f1os despu\u00e9s: Reconstruyendo la memoria<\/em> (Santo Domingo: Fundaci\u00f3n Juan Bosch \/ CLACSO, 2018). https:\/\/biblioteca-repositorio.clacso.edu.ar\/bitstream\/CLACSO\/15265\/1\/Masacre_de_1937.pdf<\/a>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  10. Ochy Curiel, Un Golpe de Estado: La Sentencia 168-13<\/em> (Bogot\u00e1: en la frontera, 2021), https:\/\/repositorio.unal.edu.co\/handle\/unal\/76591<\/a>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li>
  11. Ochy Curiel, Un Golpe de Estado<\/em>. ↩<\/a><\/span><\/li><\/ol><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Resumen El racismo y la discriminaci\u00f3n xen\u00f3foba en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana, en especial las pol\u00edticas estatales en contra de las personas negras con or\u00edgenes haitianos, oprimen cotidianamente a una comunidad con una larga historia de explotaci\u00f3n y resistencia en el pa\u00eds. Esta opresi\u00f3n afecta de m\u00faltiples formas la vida y la salud de quienes realizan […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":899,"template":"wp-custom-template-article-caribbean","ramp_assoc_topic":[4],"ramp_focus_tag":[99,98,97,96,60],"associated-profiles":[31],"article-types":[],"class_list":["post-890","ramp_article","type-ramp_article","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","ramp_assoc_topic-caribbean","ramp_focus_tag-denial","ramp_focus_tag-dominican-republic","ramp_focus_tag-haiti","ramp_focus_tag-racial-discrimination","ramp_focus_tag-racism"],"yoast_head":"\nVenciendo la Desesperaci\u00f3n Cristalizada | Overcoming the Crystallization of Despair - Cultural Constructions of Race and Racism Research Collective<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/csalateral.org\/ccrrrc\/articles\/venciendo-la-desesperacion-cristalizada-overcoming-the-crystallization-of-despair-belique\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Venciendo la Desesperaci\u00f3n Cristalizada | Overcoming the Crystallization of Despair - Cultural Constructions of Race and Racism Research Collective\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Resumen El racismo y la discriminaci\u00f3n xen\u00f3foba en la Rep\u00fablica Dominicana, en especial las pol\u00edticas estatales en contra de las personas negras con or\u00edgenes haitianos, oprimen cotidianamente a una comunidad con una larga historia de explotaci\u00f3n y resistencia en el pa\u00eds. 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